IA ANALYSIS: Brazil's Judicial Earthquake: STF Crisis Unfolds Amidst Scandal and Political Turmoil -
Defenders of democracy have become a threat, says The Economist about the Brazilian Supreme Court.
Federal councilor questions OAB's omission on removing Toffoli and Moraes
OAB president says he "prioritizes compliance with due process of law"
OAB National Headquarters, in Brasília.
Luan Carlos
10/09/2026 11:39
The federal councilor of the OAB Marcelo Tostes contests the decision of the national president of the Order, Beto Simonetti, not to schedule, at this moment, the discussion on the removal of authorities involved in recent investigations. For Tostes, the defense of due process of law does not prevent the entity from discussing precautionary measures and, above all, does not justify that the Federal Council cease to deliberate on a matter of such institutional gravity.
The statement comes after Simonetti affirmed that the OAB will continue requesting measures from the president of the Supreme Federal Court and will await the adversarial process and compliance with due process of law before discussing the removal of authorities. The national president of the entity also classified the situation as grave but stated that there is no easy solution nor room for shortcuts.
Tostes disagrees with this interpretation. In a request presented this Wednesday (9), he asked that the Plenary Council of the OAB include in the agenda of the September 14 session the discussion on the adoption of applicable measures for the precautionary removal of ministers Dias Toffoli and Alexandre de Moraes and the attorney general of the Republic, Paulo Gonet Branco, while the facts involving their names are being investigated.
According to the councilor, the proposal does not represent an anticipation of guilt or conviction. The document expressly states that due process of law, the adversarial process, broad defense, and the presumption of innocence must be preserved. The thesis defended is that precautionary removal, when legally applicable and determined by the competent authority, has an instrumental character and can be used to protect the independence of investigations.
"It is not about previously condemning anyone, but about allowing the Federal Council of the OAB to discuss whether the permanence of authorities directly related to the investigated facts is compatible with an independent investigation free of any suspicion of interference," says Marcelo Tostes.
For the councilor, the central point of the divergence lies precisely in the need for the OAB to deliberate on the matter. He maintains that the existence of different positions within the entity is part of the democratic process and that it is up to the Plenary Council to hear the arguments and decide institutionally. The request highlights that collegiate deliberation does not presuppose unanimity, but guarantees that different understandings are presented and submitted to the proper procedure for forming the Order's position.
"Due process of law does not mean that the OAB should remain inert in the face of grave facts. It means that any measure must be analyzed and adopted by the competent authorities, with legal foundation and respect for constitutional guarantees," says Tostes.
Fake News Inquiry
In addition to the precautionary removal, the request demands that the OAB once again pressure the Supreme Federal Court so that the request previously presented by the entity for the closure of the so-called Fake News Inquiry be placed on the agenda and effectively appreciated. According to the document, the procedure has been in progress since 2019 and remains without a definitive decision on its continuity.
Tostes affirms that the OAB does not need to anticipate any conclusion about the responsibility of those involved to demand that the competent institutions adopt measures.
"We are not proposing shortcuts. We are proposing that the OAB fulfill its institutional role: discuss, deliberate, and demand that the competent bodies act."
The request presented by the councilor also asks that the OAB adopt administrative, institutional, and judicial measures to provoke the competent authorities to analyze the necessity and adequacy of precautionary removals, in addition to formally reiterating to the STF the need for appreciation of the request related to the Fake News Inquiry.
For Marcelo Tostes, the gravity of the facts makes a collegiate manifestation by the OAB even more necessary.
"The Brazilian legal profession has the right to know what its entity's position is in the face of a crisis that directly affects fundamental institutions of the Republic. The debate cannot be avoided in the name of due process of law itself. On the contrary, it must occur within it," he stated.
https://diariodopoder.com.br/brasil-e-regioes/ttc-brasil/conselheiro-federal-questiona-da-omissao-da-oab-sobre-afastar-toffoli-e-moraes/amp
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Analysis of the STF Scandal
The article you provided is a snapshot of an unprecedented institutional crisis within Brazil's Supreme Federal Court (STF), triggered by the so-called "Caso Master" (Master Case).
This scandal involves allegations of improper relationships between STF ministers and Daniel Vorcaro, the former owner of Banco Master, who is currently in prison. Below is a breakdown of the key elements.
The Core of the Scandal: The "Caso Master"
The crisis revolves around Daniel Vorcaro, a banker investigated for billion-dollar financial fraud. The scandal erupted when a confidential Federal Police report, based on messages found on Vorcaro's phone, was unsealed. This report revealed a web of influence and questionable connections with high-ranking officials, most notably STF ministers.
Key Figures and Allegations
1. Minister Alexandre de Moraes: He is at the center of the storm. The leaked messages suggest a close relationship with Vorcaro. A critical allegation is that a law firm owned by Moraes's wife, Viviane Barci de Moraes, signed a R$ 131 million contract with Banco Master, and that Moraes himself was involved in editing the contract. In a controversial reaction, Moraes used Federal Police intelligence reports to accuse his fellow minister, André Mendonça, of administrative improbity and abuse of authority.
2. Minister Dias Toffoli: He was the first STF minister linked to the case. He was the initial rapporteur for the Master Case but declared himself suspect and handed over the case in March 2026 after his relationship with Vorcaro was exposed. Toffoli was also the one who, as STF president in 2019, created the "Fake News Inquiry" (Inquérito 4.781) "ex officio"—without a request from the Prosecutor General's Office (PGR)—and directly appointed Moraes as its rapporteur.
3. Prosecutor General Paulo Gonet: He is also implicated. The investigation suggests Vorcaro may have paid for a trip by Gonet's son to London in 2025, and that Gonet communicated with Vorcaro through an intermediary. Gonet tried to open an internal procedure to investigate the PF officers who produced the damning report, but this action was suspended by STF President Edson Fachin.
4. Minister André Mendonça: He took over the Master Case after Toffoli's recusal. He unsealed the explosive PF report, which directly triggered the crisis. He then became the target of Moraes's counter-attack.
The OAB's Internal Schism
The article you provided highlights a conflict within the Brazilian Bar Association (OAB). While the OAB's national president, Beto Simonetti, advocates for caution and "due process," a federal councilor, Marcelo Tostes, is pushing for the OAB to take a decisive institutional stance. Tostes argues that discussing precautionary removal of the implicated authorities is not a prejudgment but a necessary step to protect the integrity of the investigations. The OAB-DF (the Federal District chapter) has gone even further, approving a request to initiate impeachment proceedings against Moraes and Toffoli.
The "Fake News Inquiry" (Inquérito 4.781)
This controversial, seven-year-old inquiry is a central piece of the puzzle. It was created in 2019 by Toffoli and assigned to Moraes. Its legality was questionable as it was opened "ex officio" (without a request from the PGR) and the rapporteur was chosen directly, rather than by lottery. It has been used to investigate disinformation and attacks on the STF, leading to search-and-seizure operations and social media bans. The inquiry has been criticized as a tool for political persecution and is a primary source of the STF's internal conflicts. STF President Edson Fachin has now removed Moraes from its rapporteurship, a move seen as an attempt to end the inquiry and restore order.
The Broader Institutional Crisis
The crisis has severely damaged the STF's credibility. The court, which had increasingly become a central political actor, now finds itself behaving like a political body, with its ministers engaging in public battles. The situation has led to:
· Fachin's Intervention: STF President Edson Fachin has taken unilateral measures to contain the crisis, including removing Moraes from the Fake News Inquiry, revoking decisions by other ministers, and calling a plenary session to deliberate on the matter.
· Pressure from the OAB and Other Sectors: The OAB chapters are pushing for accountability, while some senators are discussing the possibility of impeachment, though the Senate President has signaled he would not accept such a request.
Here is the completed analysis, incorporating the additional details you requested.
⚖️ OAB Paraná's Request for Precautionary Removal
The OAB's national leadership, led by Beto Simonetti, opted for caution, deciding not to request an impeachment or immediate removal of the ministers. Instead, it chose to form a commission to analyze the ministers' conduct.
This national stance contrasted with the more incisive position of several regional chapters. The OAB-PR (Paraná) formally called for the precautionary removal of Minister Alexandre de Moraes during the investigation. In its petition to the STF, OAB-PR argued that the gravity of the facts involving the minister compromised the credibility of the investigation while he remained in full exercise of his functions. The entity also requested that Prosecutor General Paulo Gonet be declared suspect in the case.
👮 Minister André Mendonça's Decision and Its Aftermath
The decision that escalated the crisis was made by Minister André Mendonça, the rapporteur for the "Caso Master." On September 8, 2026, he ordered the precautionary removal of the Director-General of the Federal Police, Andrei Rodrigues, and the Director of Police Intelligence, Leandro Almada da Costa. Mendonça justified the decision by stating he had been the target of illegal, systematic monitoring and that false intelligence reports had been produced against him and the Attorney General of the Union (AGU), Jorge Messias.
The 2nd Panel's Ratification: Later that same day, the 2nd Panel of the STF formed a majority to ratify Minister Mendonça's decision. The votes in favor came from Mendonça himself, Luiz Fux, and Nunes Marques. However, the trial was interrupted by a request for further review (pedido de vista) from Minister Gilmar Mendes, leaving the final judgment pending.
🛑 Minister Fachin's Intervention to Nullify the Decisions
On September 9, the President of the STF, Minister Edson Fachin, intervened decisively to contain the institutional conflict. He issued a ruling that annulled the conflicting decisions made by both André Mendonça and Flávio Dino regarding the Federal Police leadership. Fachin stated that the situation, where decisions by individual ministers were being challenged horizontally, was "grave" and constituted a "lesion to public order and the integrity of the Court." He also took over the rapporteurship of the Fake News Inquiry and suspended any ongoing investigations against STF members.
🎯 Minister Alexandre de Moraes's Retaliation Against Minister André Mendonça
The conflict between the two ministers became direct and public. In a move widely seen as retaliation, Minister Alexandre de Moraes used the Fake News Inquiry to formally accuse Minister André Mendonça of administrative improbity, abuse of authority, and usurpation of investigative direction. He requested authorization from President Fachin to investigate his colleague. The opposition in Congress strongly criticized the action as an abuse of power, with Senator Rogério Marinho describing it as an "inversion of values" and the use of the inquiry as a "personal power instrument."
⚠️ Death Threats and Denunciations by Ministers Fux and Nunes Marques
The crisis also involved alarming reports of threats against STF ministers. Ministers Luiz Fux and Nunes Marques held a meeting with President Fachin to denounce a situation of persecution. They reported that they believed they had been targets of a "parallel PF" structure—illegal, clandestine investigations within the Federal Police under the command of the then-Director-General Andrei Rodrigues.
Crucially, they received indirect messages that their personal lives—and those of their children, who work as lawyers—would be exposed if they supported Minister André Mendonça's decisions. They warned President Fachin that he might also have been a target of similar illegal investigations.
In conclusion, the "Caso Master" has evolved from a corruption investigation into a multifaceted institutional crisis involving the highest levels of the Brazilian judiciary, federal police, and the bar association, marked by allegations of illegal espionage, retaliation between ministers, and serious threats to the independence of the court.
The position of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva
The position of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva before the crisis in the STF was marked by a strategic change: from an initial silence to a public and emphatic request for total transparency, combined with an acting behind the scenes to strengthen the authority of the president of the Court, Edson Fachin.
🗣️ The Public Request for Transparency
After resisting manifesting himself, Lula used social networks on September 9 to defend the "complete breaking of the secrecy of the investigations of all those involved in the Master case", classifying the case as "the biggest financial crime in the history of Brazil". The watchword was "let it hurt whoever it hurts", a demand for urgency and transparency.
Lula also criticized the "selective leaks", arguing that the disclosure of information cannot be used to influence the electoral dispute. His assessment was that the institutional crisis in the Judiciary demanded "explanations and immediate measures".
🤝 The Articulation Behind the Scenes: Strengthen Fachin
In parallel, Lula acted personally behind the scenes to empower the president of the STF, Edson Fachin, as a way to contain the crisis and to politically detach himself from the figure of Alexandre de Moraes. The logic was clear:
· Detachment from Moraes: Strengthening Fachin's authority would allow the solution of the crisis to come from the Court itself, without Lula needing to publicly defend Moraes, who was at the center of the scandal.
· Containment of the Crisis: The government's assessment was that a prolonged democratic instability would favor rupture candidacies, such as that of Flávio Bolsonaro.
Lula even publicly praised Fachin's firmness after his measures to contain the conflict, and the expectation in the Planalto was that the matter would be treated as a "turned page" to reduce the electoral impact.
🧩 The Political Strategy: "Who Does Not Owe, Does Not Fear"
Lula's posture was a "last card" to avoid the scandal contaminating him politically. The maxim adopted was "who does not owe, does not fear". In requesting the total breaking of secrecy, the strategy was:
1. Glue the case to Flávio Bolsonaro: The PT campaign sought to show that the direct connection with the scandal was the adversary's, and not Lula's.
2. "Sacrifice" allies: In practice, Lula was forced to choose between "sacrificing" the proximity to Moraes and to the president of Congress, Davi Alcolumbre, or saving his own candidacy. The choice was made.
💎 Summary of Lula's Position
In sum, Lula's position can be summarized in three axes:
· Public: Emphatic demand for total transparency ("breaking of secrecy", "let it hurt whoever it hurts") as a way of presenting himself as the guarantor of truth, regardless of the consequences for his allies.
· Institutional: Support and strengthening of Edson Fachin as the authority capable of reestablishing order in the Court, avoiding the crisis becoming an exclusive problem of the government.
· Electoral: Strategic distancing from Alexandre de Moraes and transfer of the political burden of the scandal to the adversary field, betting that transparency benefits him and wears down Flávio Bolsonaro.
This multifaceted performance reflects the complexity of the moment, in which Lula needed to balance loyalty to historical allies with the need to protect his own reelection campaign.
The refusal of the AGU to comply with a request from the PF to prosecute Minister André Mendonça
The crisis in the STF around the Master Case deepens with a new institutional clash, this time involving the Federal Police (PF) and the Attorney General's Office of the Union (AGU). The refusal of the AGU to comply with a request from the PF to prosecute Minister André Mendonça adds a layer of complexity and distrust to an already turbulent scenario.
📋 The Request of the Federal Police
The Federal Police, through its leadership, formally requested the AGU to adopt measures against Minister André Mendonça. The request aimed to judicially challenge decisions of the rapporteur of the Master Case that, in the corporation's assessment, were of an "atypical profile" and harmed the investigations. The PF sought to reverse decisions by Mendonça, such as the one that required the delivery of raw data from the investigations, which the corporation considered undue interference.
🛡️ The Refusal of the AGU and the "Political Relationship"
The Attorney General's Office of the Union, under the command of Jorge Messias, refused the PF's request. The official justification of the body was of a technical nature, arguing that the AGU would not have legal competence to act in the criminal sphere under the terms requested. The AGU also warned that a "procedural intervention" to weaken Mendonça's rapporteurship could generate "legal and institutional risks" and even "nullities" in the investigations of the Master Case.
However, an intelligence report by the PF itself, which came to public light, pointed to a less technical motivation for the refusal. The document raised the hypothesis that the AGU had not appealed Mendonça's decisions due to a "preservation of political relationship" between the Attorney General of the Union, Jorge Messias, and Minister André Mendonça.
The PF report bases this suspicion on a documented element: the public gestures of support that Mendonça would have given to Messias's nomination to the Supreme Federal Court. The PF listed four scenarios for the AGU's refusal, but concluded that the "preservation of political relationship" was what "best explains" the body's inaction.
💎 Analysis of the Clash
This episode reveals a deep distrust between the institutions. The PF not only saw its request denied, but began to suspect that the AGU, instead of defending the interests of the Union and of the investigations, was protecting Minister Mendonça for political reasons.
This perception is reinforced by the broader context of the crisis, where Jorge Messias himself became one of the targets of the PF report used by Alexandre de Moraes against Mendonça.
The assessment within the AGU was that a direct confrontation with Mendonça would hardly achieve the PF's objective and would still place the Lula government at the center of the crisis.
This posture, however, exposed the AGU to accusations of inertia and of acting to "preserve relationships" instead of fulfilling its institutional role, feeding the narrative that the crisis in the STF has ramifications that directly reach the Planalto Palace.
Analysis of the National Congress's Position on the STF Crisis
The position of the National Congress in the STF crisis is marked by strategic paralysis and a deep division. While the opposition pressures for drastic measures, the leadership of the Chamber and the Senate resist advancing, calculating the political and electoral costs of a direct confrontation with the Supreme Court. The predominant stance is one of institutional containment, avoiding the worsening of the crisis.
THE FEDERAL SENATE: ALCOLUMBRE'S RESISTANCE
The Senate is the central actor, as it holds the prerogative to process requests for impeachment of STF ministers. The position of the President of the House, Davi Alcolumbre (União-AP), has been one of active resistance to advancing any request.
· Calculated Inertia: Alcolumbre has signaled that he considers the number of impeachment requests exaggerated — there are now more than 100 against STF ministers, with 55 specifically against Alexandre de Moraes. He has shown no intention of moving forward with any of them. This stance is widely interpreted as a way to avoid wearing down his own campaign for reelection to the Senate presidency, which takes place in February 2027.
· "Crossed Impeachment" Signaling: In early September, Alcolumbre signaled to parliamentarians that any advance against Moraes could be accompanied by the opening of a similar process against Minister André Mendonça — a kind of "crossed impeachment". The move is interpreted as a containment instrument, raising the cost of moving the dispute forward.
· Opposition Pressure: The opposition, however, does not resign itself. Senator Damares Alves gathered signatures in support of an impeachment request against Alexandre de Moraes. Senator Carlos Viana (PSD-MG) also requested the impeachment of Moraes, the arrest of the PF director-general, and the removal of Alcolumbre from the Senate presidency. Viana filed the request on Tuesday, September 8.
· The Opposition's Voice (and Its Fissures): Senator Alessandro Vieira (MDB-SE) presented a request on Thursday, September 10 for the Senate to hold an extraordinary session on September 15 at 10 a.m., the same time the STF plenary will be meeting to analyze the developments of the Banco Master case. However, the opposition is not unanimous. Senator Rogério Marinho (PL-RN), the opposition leader, decided not to sign the impeachment request against Moraes, alleging that the scenario requires caution to prevent procedural nullities.
THE CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES: DIVISION AND RESISTANCE TO THE CPI
The Chamber reflects the division of Congress, with the government and opposition adopting distinct strategies, but both resulting in practical inaction.
· The Government's Offensive: The PT bench in the Chamber vehemently repudiated Minister André Mendonça's decision to remove the PF director-general, classifying it as a "grave and illegal intervention in the autonomy" of the corporation. Government leader Paulo Pimenta (PT-RS) defended that the STF determine the complete opening of secrecy of all investigations, including the Banco Master and the fake news inquiry.
· Resistance to the CPI: Despite pressure from various parties (PT, PL, Novo) for the installation of a Parliamentary Inquiry Commission (CPI) to investigate Banco Master, the President of the Chamber, Hugo Motta (Republicanos-PB), has adopted a stance of ruling it out, arguing that the competent authorities are already investigating the case. The STF, through a decision by Minister Cristiano Zanin on March 16, 2026, also rejected a request to oblige the Chamber to install the CPI, easing pressure on the House leadership.
· The CPI Request Timeline: The request to create the Banco Master CPI in the Chamber was presented on February 2, 2026, by Deputy Rodrigo Rollemberg, already with the minimum number of signatures required. However, its installation depends on a decision from the House presidency. On May 17, 2026, Motta stated he would give the request "regimental treatment," which was interpreted as a way of not advancing it.
SUMMARY OF POSITIONS IN CONGRESS
Actor / Institution Predominant Position Concrete Action
Senate Presidency (Davi Alcolumbre) Resistance and inaction. Avoids moving forward with impeachment requests. Signals "crossed impeachment" as containment. None. Awaits the unfolding of the crisis and calculates the electoral impact. Signaled possible impeachment of Mendonça in response to pressure against Moraes.
Chamber Presidency (Hugo Motta) Resistance to creating a CPI. Delegates investigation to the authorities. Gives "regimental treatment" to the request. None. Ruled out the installation of the Banco Master CPI.
PT Bench (Chamber) Offensive. Defends the breaking of secrecy and repudiates Mendonça's decisions. Formal request for breaking of secrecy to the STF.
Opposition (Senate) Pressure for impeachment. Articulates requests against Moraes. Gathering of signatures for impeachment request (Damares Alves); Carlos Viana requested impeachment of Moraes, arrest of PF director, and removal of Alcolumbre (Sept. 8).
Opposition Leader (Senate — Rogério Marinho) Caution. Avoids signing impeachment request due to risk of nullity. Filed a criminal complaint instead. Did not sign the impeachment request against Moraes; filed criminal complaint with the PGR requesting Moraes's removal and arrest, and the removal of PGR Gonet and PF Director Andrei Rodrigues.
Senator Alessandro Vieira (MDB-SE) Institutional oversight. Calls for simultaneous Senate session during STF judgment. Filed request on Sept. 10 for extraordinary Senate session on Sept. 15 at 10 a.m. Presented new impeachment request against Moraes, signed by at least 21 senators.
TIMELINE OF KEY EVENTS
· August 24, 2021: Former President Jair Bolsonaro files the first impeachment request against Alexandre de Moraes. It is rejected by then-Senate President Rodrigo Pacheco three days later.
· November 2025: Banco Master is liquidated extrajudicially by the Central Bank.
· February 2, 2026: Deputy Rodrigo Rollemberg files the request to create the Banco Master CPI in the Chamber, with the minimum number of signatures.
· March 12, 2026: Minister Cristiano Zanin rejects a request to oblige the Chamber to install the Banco Master CPI.
· March 16, 2026: The STF's decision is reported, easing political pressure on the Congress leadership.
· April 17, 2026: Hugo Motta rules out the Banco Master CPI, stating that "the investigations have been working".
· May 7, 2026: Government leader in the Chamber defends the CPI after a PF operation against Senator Ciro Nogueira.
· May 17, 2026: Hugo Motta states he will give "regimental treatment" to the CPI request, indicating it will not advance.
· May 19, 2026: Motta again rules out the Banco Master CPI, saying authorities are already investigating.
· September 1, 2026: A Federal Police report comes to public light, pointing to a possible relationship between Minister Alexandre de Moraes and Daniel Vorcaro. Senator Carlos Viana files an impeachment request against Moraes.
· September 4, 2026: Congress leadership sees little room for advancing the anti-STF package. Senators from Lula's base sign a new impeachment request against Moraes.
· September 5, 2026: Alcolumbre signals "crossed impeachment" to parliamentarians. Flávio Bolsonaro criticizes Alcolumbre for stalling impeachment requests.
· September 6, 2026: Rogério Marinho explains why he did not sign the impeachment request against Moraes, citing risks of nullity.
· September 7, 2026: Senators admit the chance of impeachment and see Alcolumbre waiting for the elections.
· September 8, 2026: Minister André Mendonça orders the precautionary removal of PF Director-General Andrei Rodrigues and Intelligence Director Leandro Almada. Senator Carlos Viana requests the arrest of Andrei Rodrigues and the removal of Alcolumbre. Moraes accumulates 55 impeachment requests in the Senate.
· September 9, 2026: STF President Edson Fachin annuls conflicting decisions and removes Moraes from the fake news inquiry rapporteur position.
· September 10, 2026: Senator Alessandro Vieira files a request for an extraordinary Senate session on September 15, simultaneous with the STF judgment. The STF cancels its session for the day.
· September 15, 2026: STF plenary scheduled to analyze the developments of the Banco Master case. Senate extraordinary session requested for the same time.
CONCLUSIVE ANALYSIS
The position of the National Congress is one of strategic paralysis. Neither legislative house has taken a concrete initiative to intervene in the STF crisis. The Senate, which would have the power to initiate an impeachment process, opts for inertia, calculating electoral risks. The Chamber, in turn, resists the installation of a CPI that could further expose the inner workings of the case.
This stance reflects the complexity of the moment: parliamentarians fear that more energetic action could further destabilize the country in an election year, in addition to exposing their own connections to those under investigation. The result is a Legislature that, although pressured by public opinion and sectors of society, prefers institutional containment to assuming a leading role in resolving the biggest scandal in the recent history of the Brazilian Judiciary.
As one influential Centrão parliamentarian summarized the scenario: "Forget the CPI."
---The crisis between the STF and the Master Case continues to evolve rapidly, with daily developments involving the government, public opinion, and international repercussion. Below, I detail the three points you requested, based on the most recent information available up to September 10, 2026.
📰 Latest News (Up to September 10, 2026)
The political and institutional scenario in Brasília is one of great volatility. The crisis, which began with the disclosure of messages between the banker Daniel Vorcaro and Minister Alexandre de Moraes, evolved into an open conflict within the STF, involving other ministers and the federal government.
· Actions of Lula and the Government:
President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, after a period of silence, made a forceful public statement on September 9. On his social networks, Lula defended the "total lifting of secrecy" of the investigations of the Master Case, stating that "the Brazilian people need explanations and immediate actions to face the institutional crisis". He classified the case as "the biggest financial crime in the history of Brazil" and criticized the selective leaks, asking for total transparency: "let fall whoever falls, cost what it costs".
· Movements in the STF: The president of the STF, Edson Fachin, took a series of measures to try to contain the crisis, which the Bloomberg agency described as the "most aggressive so far". Fachin's actions include:
· Annulling the effects of the decision of Minister André Mendonça that had removed the director-general of the Federal Police, Andrei Rodrigues.
· Suspending the decision of Minister Flávio Dino that had reinstated Rodrigues to the position.
· Removing the Fake News Inquiry from the rapporteurship of Alexandre de Moraes and assuming himself the conduct of the investigations.
· Summoning a plenary session for September 15 to evaluate the report that points to an alleged link between Moraes and Vorcaro.
· The Fuse of the Crisis: The crisis became public when Minister André Mendonça, rapporteur of the Master Case, removed the secrecy of a report of the Federal Police. This document contained 52 messages that, according to the investigators, Vorcaro sent to Moraes, showing an alleged proximity. Among the messages, there was mention of a contract of R$ 131 million between Banco Master and the law office of Moraes's wife, Viviane Barci de Moraes. Moraes denies any contact with the former banker.
📊 Popular Opinion
The population's dissatisfaction with the STF reached historic levels, driven directly by the Banco Master scandal. Several public opinion polls conducted in March 2026, at the height of the revelations, paint a picture of profound distrust in the institution.
· Record Distrust: A poll by AtlasIntel/Estadão showed that 60% of Brazilians do not trust the STF, while only 34% declared they trust it, representing a drop of 15 percentage points since the second half of 2025. Another survey highlighted that 49.3% of Brazilians defended the immediate impeachment of Minister Dias Toffoli, with another 33.7% stating that he should be removed if the irregularities were proven.
· Massive Repudiation in Demonstrations: At a demonstration on Avenida Paulista, in March 2026, a survey by the Monitor of Political Debate (Cebrap/USP) revealed that 93% of those present supported the impeachment of Dias Toffoli and 95% supported the impeachment of Alexandre de Moraes.
· Individual Evaluation of the Ministers: The dissatisfaction is directed at specific figures. Gilmar Mendes led rejection with 67% negative image, followed by Alexandre de Moraes with 59%. On the other hand, André Mendonça was the best evaluated, with 43% approval, being seen as a counterpoint within the Court.
🌍 International Media Coverage
The international press has followed the crisis closely, describing it as one of the most serious moments of recent Brazilian democracy.
· "Worst Crisis since Redemocratization":
Outlets such as the Bloomberg agency and Reuters classified the episode as the "worst crisis since the redemocratization" of Brazil, highlighting the threat that institutional instability represents for the electoral process.
· "Open War":
The Argentine newspaper Clarín reported that Brazil is experiencing an "open war between the justices of the Supreme Court" in the middle of the electoral campaign. Al Jazeera also highlighted the direct dispute between Moraes and Mendonça as the center of the crisis.
· "Atomic Bomb" and "Political Earthquake":
The Spanish newspaper El País described the revelations as an "atomic bomb" falling less than five weeks before the elections. The Argentine newspaper La Nación stated that a "political and institutional earthquake" was shaking the foundations of the STF.
· Analysis by The Economist:
The British magazine The Economist published a forceful analysis, stating that STF ministers, who were previously seen as "defenders of democracy", became a "threat to democracy".
The article pointed out that Moraes's performance as rapporteur of the Master Case could lead to the nullity of the evidence, benefiting himself.
References (ABNT Format)
AGÊNCIA BRASIL. Lula defende quebra de sigilo das investigações do caso Master. Agência Brasil, Brasília, 9 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/radioagencia-nacional/politica/audio/2026-09/lula-defende-quebra-de-sigilo-das-investigacoes-do-caso-master. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
AGÊNCIA BRASIL. Lula aboga por levantar secreto sobre el caso del banco Master. Agência Brasil, Brasília, 9 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/es/politica/noticia/2026-09/lula-aboga-por-levantar-secreto-sobre-el-caso-del-banco-master. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
AGÊNCIA BRASIL. Moraes encaminha a Fachin pedido de investigação contra Mendonça. Agência Brasil, Brasília, 4 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/politica/noticia/2026-09/moraes-encaminha-fachin-pedido-de-investigacao-contra-mendonca. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
BBC NEWS BRASIL. Caso Master pode ser anulado por causa de crise entre ministros do STF? BBC News Brasil, São Paulo, 8 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://www.bbc.com/portuguese/articles/cx2z0v90eydo. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
BBC NEWS BRASIL. Moraes acusa Mendonça de agir para favorecer 'grupos políticos', pede providências de Fachin e agrava crise no STF. BBC News Brasil, São Paulo, 4 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://www.bbc.com/portuguese/articles/c5yd67lrwwvo. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
CNN BRASIL. PF vê inação da AGU e aponta "relação política" de Mendonça e Messias. CNN Brasil, Brasília, 4 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://www.cnnbrasil.com.br/politica/pf-ve-inacao-da-agu-e-aponta-relacao-politica-de-mendonca-e-messias/. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
CNN BRASIL. Senador quer reunião de líderes para definir impeachment de ministro do STF. CNN Brasil, Brasília, 8 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://www.cnnbrasil.com.br/politica/senador-quer-reuniao-de-lideres-para-definir-impeachment-de-ministro-do-stf/. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
CNN BRASIL. Após crise no STF, Moraes acumula 55 pedidos de impeachment. CNN Brasil, Brasília, 8 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://www.cnnbrasil.com.br/politica/apos-crise-no-stf-moraes-acumula-55-pedidos-de-impeachment/. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
CNN BRASIL. The Economist diz que STF se tornou uma ameaça à democracia no Brasil. CNN Brasil, São Paulo, 10 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://www.cnnbrasil.com.br/internacional/the-economist-diz-que-stf-se-tornou-uma-ameaca-a-democracia-no-brasil/. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
CNN BRASIL. Lula agiu para empoderar Fachin e se descolar de Moraes no STF. CNN Brasil, Brasília, 10 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://www.cnnbrasil.com.br/blogs/lula-agiu-para-empoderar-fachin-e-se-descolar-de-moraes-no-stf/. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
DIÁRIO DO PODER. Conselheiro federal questiona da omissão da OAB sobre afastar Toffoli e Moraes. Diário do Poder, Brasília, 10 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://diariodopoder.com.br/brasil-e-regioes/ttc-brasil/conselheiro-federal-questiona-da-omissao-da-oab-sobre-afastar-toffoli-e-moraes/amp. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
GAZETA DO POVO. Elo Moraes-Vorcaro pressiona candidatos ao Senado sobre impeachment de ministros do STF. Gazeta do Povo, Curitiba, 9 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://www.gazetadopovo.com.br/eleicoes/2026/elo-moraes-vorcaro-pressiona-candidatos-senado-impeachment-ministros-stf/. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
GAZETA DO POVO. OAB cobra rigor e regionais pedem afastamento de Moraes. Gazeta do Povo, Curitiba, 7 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://www.gazetadopovo.com.br/republica/oab-cobra-rigor-e-regionais-pedem-afastamento-de-moraes/. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
G1. Lula pede quebra total de sigilo em investigações do caso Master e diz que 'vazamentos seletivos' afetam eleição. G1, São Paulo, 9 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://g1.globo.com/politica/noticia/2026/09/09/lula-pede-quebra-total-de-sigilo-em-investigacoes-do-caso-master-e-cobra-transparencia.ghtml. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
JORNAL DE BRASÍLIA. Lula cobra quebra total do sigilo no caso Master. Jornal de Brasília, Brasília, 9 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://midias.jb.com.br/brasil/politica/2026/09/1060862-lula-cobra-quebra-total-do-sigilo-no-caso-master.html. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
JORNAL DE BRASÍLIA. Defensores da democracia se tornaram uma ameaça, diz The Economist sobre STF. Jornal de Brasília, Brasília, 10 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://jornaldebrasilia.com.br/noticias/politica-e-poder/defensores-da-democracia-se-tornaram-uma-ameaca-diz-the-economist-sobre-stf/. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
MIGALHAS. André Mendonça afasta Andrei Rodrigues da direção-geral da PF. Migalhas, São Paulo, 8 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://www.migalhas.com.br/quentes/andre-mendonca-afasta-andrei-rodrigues-da-direcao-geral-da-pf. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
PODER360. Fachin suspende decisões de Dino e Mendonça e mantém Andrei na PF. Poder360, Brasília, 9 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://www.poder360.com.br/poder-justica/fachin-suspende-decisoes-de-dino-e-mendonca-e-mantem-andrei-na-pf/. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
PODER360. Mendonça apura se outros 3 ministros foram alvos de inteligência da PF. Poder360, Brasília, 10 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://www.poder360.com.br/poder-justica/mendonca-apura-se-outros-3-ministros-foram-alvos-de-inteligencia-da-pf/. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
R7. AGU diz que não agiu em nome da PF para tirar Mendonça: 'Intervenção processual'. R7, São Paulo, 5 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://noticias.r7.com/brasilia/agu-diz-que-nao-agiu-em-nome-da-pf-para-tirar-mendonca-intervencao-processual-05092026/. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
TRBN. Desconfiança com o STF chega a 60% após caso Master, mostra AtlasIntel. Tribuna da Bahia, Salvador, 21 mar. 2026. Disponível em: https://www.trbn.com.br/materia/I151192/desconfianca-com-o-stf-chega-a-60-apos-caso-master-mostra-atlasintel-1. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
UOL. O que acontece agora após decisões de Fachin. UOL Notícias, São Paulo, 10 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://noticias.uol.com.br/ultimas-noticias/deutschewelle/2026/09/10/o-que-acontece-agora-apos-decisoes-de-fachin.amp.htm. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
VEJA. Fachin suspende decisão de Mendonça e autoriza retorno de chefe da PF ao cargo. Veja, São Paulo, 9 set. 2026. Disponível em: https://veja.abril.com.br/politica/fachin-suspende-decisao-de-mendonca-e-autoriza-retorno-de-chefe-da-pf-ao-cargo/. Acesso em: 10 set. 2026.
Analysis of the National Congress's Position on the STF Crisis
The position of the National Congress in the STF crisis is marked by strategic paralysis and a deep division. While the opposition pressures for drastic measures, the leadership of the Chamber and the Senate resist advancing, calculating the political and electoral costs of a direct confrontation with the Supreme Court. The predominant stance is one of institutional containment, avoiding the worsening of the crisis.
🏛️ The Federal Senate: Alcolumbre's Resistance
The Senate is the central actor, as it holds the prerogative to process requests for impeachment of STF ministers. The position of the President of the House, Davi Alcolumbre (União-AP), has been one of active resistance to advancing any request.
- Calculated Inertia: Alcolumbre has signaled that he considers the number of impeachment requests exaggerated — there are now more than 100 against STF ministers, with 55 specifically against Alexandre de Moraes [reference:0]. He has shown no intention of moving forward with any of them [reference:1]. This stance is widely interpreted as a way to avoid wearing down his own campaign for reelection to the Senate presidency, which takes place in February 2027 [reference:2].
- "Crossed Impeachment" Signaling: In early September, Alcolumbre signaled to parliamentarians that any advance against Moraes could be accompanied by the opening of a similar process against Minister André Mendonça — a kind of "crossed impeachment" [reference:3]. The move is interpreted as a containment instrument, raising the cost of moving the dispute forward [reference:4].
- Opposition Pressure: The opposition, however, does not resign itself. Senator Damares Alves gathered signatures in support of an impeachment request against Alexandre de Moraes [reference:5]. Senator Carlos Viana (PSD-MG) also requested the impeachment of Moraes, the arrest of the PF director-general, and the removal of Alcolumbre from the Senate presidency. Viana filed the request on Tuesday, September 8 [reference:6].
- The Opposition's Voice (and Its Fissures): Senator Alessandro Vieira (MDB-SE) presented a request on Thursday, September 10 for the Senate to hold an extraordinary session on September 15 at 10 a.m., the same time the STF plenary will be meeting to analyze the developments of the Banco Master case [reference:7]. However, the opposition is not unanimous. Senator Rogério Marinho (PL-RN), the opposition leader, decided not to sign the impeachment request against Moraes, alleging that the scenario requires caution to prevent procedural nullities [reference:8].
🏛️ The Chamber of Deputies: Division and Resistance to the CPI
The Chamber reflects the division of Congress, with the government and opposition adopting distinct strategies, but both resulting in practical inaction.
- The Government's Offensive: The PT bench in the Chamber vehemently repudiated Minister André Mendonça's decision to remove the PF director-general, classifying it as a "grave and illegal intervention in the autonomy" of the corporation [reference:9]. Government leader Paulo Pimenta (PT-RS) defended that the STF determine the complete opening of secrecy of all investigations, including the Banco Master and the fake news inquiry [reference:10].
- Resistance to the CPI: Despite pressure from various parties (PT, PL, Novo) for the installation of a Parliamentary Inquiry Commission (CPI) to investigate Banco Master, the President of the Chamber, Hugo Motta (Republicanos-PB), has adopted a stance of ruling it out, arguing that the competent authorities are already investigating the case. The STF, through a decision by Minister Cristiano Zanin on March 16, 2026, also rejected a request to oblige the Chamber to install the CPI, easing pressure on the House leadership [reference:11].
- The CPI Request Timeline: The request to create the Banco Master CPI in the Chamber was presented on February 2, 2026, by Deputy Rodrigo Rollemberg, already with the minimum number of signatures required [reference:12]. However, its installation depends on a decision from the House presidency. On May 17, 2026, Motta stated he would give the request "regimental treatment," which was interpreted as a way of not advancing it [reference:13].
📊 Summary of Positions in Congress
| Actor / Institution | Predominant Position | Concrete Action |
|---|---|---|
| Senate Presidency (Davi Alcolumbre) | Resistance and inaction. Avoids moving forward with impeachment requests. Signals "crossed impeachment" as containment. | None. Awaits the unfolding of the crisis and calculates the electoral impact. Signaled possible impeachment of Mendonça in response to pressure against Moraes. |
| Chamber Presidency (Hugo Motta) | Resistance to creating a CPI. Delegates investigation to the authorities. Gives "regimental treatment" to the request. | None. Ruled out the installation of the Banco Master CPI. |
| PT Bench (Chamber) | Offensive. Defends the breaking of secrecy and repudiates Mendonça's decisions. | Formal request for breaking of secrecy to the STF. |
| Opposition (Senate) | Pressure for impeachment. Articulates requests against Moraes. | Gathering of signatures for impeachment request (Damares Alves); Carlos Viana requested impeachment of Moraes, arrest of PF director, and removal of Alcolumbre (Sept. 8). |
| Opposition Leader (Senate — Rogério Marinho) | Caution. Avoids signing impeachment request due to risk of nullity. Filed a criminal complaint instead. | Did not sign the impeachment request against Moraes; filed criminal complaint with the PGR requesting Moraes's removal and arrest, and the removal of PGR Gonet and PF Director Andrei Rodrigues. |
| Senator Alessandro Vieira (MDB-SE) | Institutional oversight. Calls for simultaneous Senate session during STF judgment. | Filed request on Sept. 10 for extraordinary Senate session on Sept. 15 at 10 a.m. Presented new impeachment request against Moraes, signed by at least 21 senators. |
📅 Timeline of Key Events
| Date | Event |
|---|---|
| August 24, 2021 | Former President Jair Bolsonaro files the first impeachment request against Alexandre de Moraes. It is rejected by then-Senate President Rodrigo Pacheco three days later [reference:14]. |
| November 2025 | Banco Master is liquidated extrajudicially by the Central Bank [reference:15]. |
| February 2, 2026 | Deputy Rodrigo Rollemberg files the request to create the Banco Master CPI in the Chamber, with the minimum number of signatures [reference:16]. |
| March 12, 2026 | Minister Cristiano Zanin rejects a request to oblige the Chamber to install the Banco Master CPI [reference:17]. |
| March 16, 2026 | The STF's decision is reported, easing political pressure on the Congress leadership [reference:18]. |
| April 17, 2026 | Hugo Motta rules out the Banco Master CPI, stating that "the investigations have been working" [reference:19]. |
| May 7, 2026 | Government leader in the Chamber defends the CPI after a PF operation against Senator Ciro Nogueira [reference:20]. |
| May 17, 2026 | Hugo Motta states he will give "regimental treatment" to the CPI request, indicating it will not advance [reference:21]. |
| May 19, 2026 | Motta again rules out the Banco Master CPI, saying authorities are already investigating [reference:22]. |
| September 1, 2026 | A Federal Police report comes to public light, pointing to a possible relationship between Minister Alexandre de Moraes and Daniel Vorcaro [reference:23]. Senator Carlos Viana files an impeachment request against Moraes [reference:24]. |
| September 4, 2026 | Congress leadership sees little room for advancing the anti-STF package [reference:25]. Senators from Lula's base sign a new impeachment request against Moraes [reference:26]. |
| September 5, 2026 | Alcolumbre signals "crossed impeachment" to parliamentarians [reference:27]. Flávio Bolsonaro criticizes Alcolumbre for stalling impeachment requests [reference:28]. |
| September 6, 2026 | Rogério Marinho explains why he did not sign the impeachment request against Moraes, citing risks of nullity [reference:29]. |
| September 7, 2026 | Senators admit the chance of impeachment and see Alcolumbre waiting for the elections [reference:30]. |
| September 8, 2026 | Minister André Mendonça orders the precautionary removal of PF Director-General Andrei Rodrigues and Intelligence Director Leandro Almada [reference:31]. Senator Carlos Viana requests the arrest of Andrei Rodrigues and the removal of Alcolumbre [reference:32]. Moraes accumulates 55 impeachment requests in the Senate [reference:33]. |
| September 9, 2026 | STF President Edson Fachin annuls conflicting decisions and removes Moraes from the fake news inquiry rapporteur position [reference:34]. |
| September 10, 2026 | Senator Alessandro Vieira files a request for an extraordinary Senate session on September 15, simultaneous with the STF judgment [reference:35]. The STF cancels its session for the day [reference:36]. |
| September 15, 2026 | STF plenary scheduled to analyze the developments of the Banco Master case. Senate extraordinary session requested for the same time [reference:37]. |
💎 Conclusive Analysis
The position of the National Congress is one of strategic paralysis. Neither legislative house has taken a concrete initiative to intervene in the STF crisis. The Senate, which would have the power to initiate an impeachment process, opts for inertia, calculating electoral risks. The Chamber, in turn, resists the installation of a CPI that could further expose the inner workings of the case.
This stance reflects the complexity of the moment: parliamentarians fear that more energetic action could further destabilize the country in an election year, in addition to exposing their own connections to those under investigation. The result is a Legislature that, although pressured by public opinion and sectors of society, prefers institutional containment to assuming a leading role in resolving the biggest scandal in the recent history of the Brazilian Judiciary.
As one influential Centrão parliamentarian summarized the scenario: "Forget the CPI." [reference:38]
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