The Federalist Papers: The contribution of James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and John Jay to the emergence of Federalism in Brazil, and the Spiritual War Against Judicial Corruption by Scott Erik Stafne
#justice #faith #doyourpart #corruption
The war against judicial corruption is a spiritual one that has always been fought in the conscience of humankind.
Indeed, one of the first and foremost tasks of sovereigns since the beginning of time has been the establishment of judicial systems by which the governed can obtain justice regarding their disputes between one another.
History demonstrates that from very early on, well before the birth of Christ, humanity has always understood at the spiritual level that justice can only be achieved through neutral and independent judges.
That means through judges who don’t have an interest in the disputes they are deciding for the people.
Our judges in America today appear to have forgotten this lesson.
Our federal judges appear to have backtracked on the progress our earliest human ancestors have provided mankind, humankind, in order to benefit themselves.
The founders of this nation did not intend that federal judges would betray the people in this regard.
For as one of the most illustrious of them wrote back then in urging that the Constitution be adopted, (at that point in history, which was well beyond the point where neutral judges had been required), James Madison wrote then was, and still applies today,
“Justice is the end of government. It is the end of civil society. It ever has been and ever will be pursued until it be obtained, or until liberty be lost in the pursuit.”
We in America need to restore systems of justice to this country. And now is the time to do so.
Thank you.
-Scott Erik Stafne
GEMINI AI ANALYSIS:
O vídeo "The Spiritual War Against Judicial Corruption Scott E. Stafne The Church of the Gardens's Advocate" discute a corrupção judicial e a necessidade de restaurar a justiça nos Estados Unidos (0:00-0:03).
Os principais pontos abordados no vídeo incluem:
A guerra contra a corrupção judicial é uma guerra espiritual (0:00-0:07).
Desde o início dos tempos, uma das principais tarefas dos soberanos tem sido o estabelecimento de sistemas judiciais para que os governados possam obter justiça (0:11-0:29).
A humanidade sempre entendeu, a nível espiritual, que a justiça só pode ser alcançada através de juízes neutros e independentes (0:31-0:52).
Os juízes federais americanos parecem ter esquecido essa lição e retrocedido no progresso feito pelos ancestrais da humanidade para se beneficiarem (1:07-1:25).
Os fundadores da nação não pretendiam que os juízes federais traíssem o povo (1:29-1:36).
James Madison escreveu que a justiça é o fim do governo e da sociedade civil, e que será perseguida até ser obtida ou até que a liberdade seja perdida na busca (2:04-2:26).
Stafne enfatiza a necessidade de restaurar os sistemas de justiça no país e que agora é a hora de fazê-lo (2:33-2:46).
A HORA DE RESTAURAR A INTEGRIDADE JUDICIAL É AGORA !
Devido à extensão e complexidade técnica do artigo jurídico fornecido, apresento abaixo uma tradução fiel dos pontos centrais e das seções estruturantes para o inglês, seguida pela análise da integridade judicial correlacionada às teses de Scott Erik Stafne e James Madison.
Part 1: Literal Translation (Selected Core Sections)
Title: The Federalist Papers: The contribution of James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and John Jay to the emergence of Federalism in Brazil.
Author: Rogério de Araújo Lima.
Introduction:
"The reading of classic works of political philosophy has been systematically relegated to a secondary plane in many Brazilian universities... Access to the original text remains restricted to graduate students... making the knowledge of the theoretical contribution of the classics a privilege of a few."
Historical Origin:
"The modern federative form was not structured on theoretical bases. It is the product of a successful experience — the North American experience. The federations attempted in Antiquity were all unstable and ephemeral." "The Federal State was truly born with the Constitution of the United States of America in 1787."
Judicial Characteristics in Federalism:
"Sahid Maluf describes as essential characteristics of the federative system: ... b) a judicialist system, consisting of the greater amplitude of the Judicial Power."
Conclusion:
"The federation developed in Brazil... may be the object of various criticisms, but there is something that cannot be forgotten: there is no model of State form in the current world better than the one advocated by the 'federalists'. It can — and even must — be rediscussed and improved, but never suppressed."
Click here to read the article
https://www12.senado.leg.br/ril/edicoes/48/192/ril_v48_n192_p125.pdf
Part 2: Análise da Integridade Judicial e Impacto no Futuro das Nações
A preservação da integridade judicial é o pilar que sustenta a estrutura de qualquer Estado Democrático de Direito. Quando a corrupção avança sobre o Judiciário, o "fim do governo" — que, segundo James Madison no Federalista nº 51, é a justiça — é pervertido.
1. A Justiça como Objetivo Central do Governo
O vídeo de Scott Erik Stafne ressalta que a principal tarefa dos soberanos sempre foi estabelecer sistemas onde as pessoas pudessem obter justiça. O texto de Rogério de Araújo Lima corrobora essa visão ao destacar que os "Artigos Federalistas" foram escritos para sustentar uma Constituição que buscasse uma união mais perfeita e segura. Se o juiz deixa de ser um árbitro neutro para buscar o benefício próprio, como denuncia Stafne, a base teórica do federalismo e do republicanismo — a separação de poderes — colapsa.
2. O Impacto da Corrupção Judicial no Futuro das Nações
A corrupção judicial não é apenas um crime financeiro; é uma "guerra espiritual" na consciência humana, como define Stafne.
* Instabilidade Institucional: O artigo anexado explica que a transição da Confederação para a Federação nos EUA visava corrigir a "paralisia" do governo. Uma magistratura corrupta gera uma paralisia moderna, onde as leis existem, mas não são aplicadas de forma equânime, levando ao descrédito das instituições.
* Reflexo no Modelo Brasileiro: O texto menciona que o federalismo brasileiro, embora inspirado no americano, possui peculiaridades orgânicas e hierárquicas. Em nações onde o poder central é forte, a integridade do Judiciário é ainda mais crítica, pois ele é o último baluarte contra o arbítrio estatal ou a influência de grupos econômicos.
3. Correlação: Madison, Stafne e a Restauração da Justiça
Stafne cita James Madison para lembrar que a justiça é a razão de ser do governo. No artigo de Lima, vemos que Alexander Hamilton lutou por um governo nacional "vigoroso" para garantir a prosperidade política.
A correlação é clara:
* O Diagnóstico: Ambos concordam que a fragilidade institucional (seja pela falta de um braço executivo/judiciário forte no passado, ou pela corrupção atual) leva ao caos social.
* A Solução: Assim como os Federalistas propuseram uma nova Constituição para salvar a união em 1787, Stafne convoca uma restauração dos sistemas de justiça atuais.
A integridade judicial não é um detalhe administrativo, mas a condição sine qua non para que o "grande sistema americano" (ou brasileiro) não sucumba à decadência interna.
Em suma, a restauração da integridade judicial é urgente porque, sem juízes independentes e neutros, o contrato social descrito pelos clássicos da filosofia política torna-se uma "vulgata" sem valor prático, ameaçando a própria existência da Federação.
Restoring Judicial Integrity: An Analysis Based on "The Federalist Papers" and Scott E. Stafne
The preservation of judicial integrity is the pillar that supports the structure of any Democratic State under the Rule of Law. When corruption advances within the Judiciary, the "end of government"—which, according to James Madison in Federalist No. 51, is justice—is perverted.
1. Justice as the Central Objective of Government
Scott Erik Stafne emphasizes that the primary task of sovereigns has always been to establish systems where people could obtain justice. This vision is supported by the study of the "Federalist Papers," which were written to sustain a Constitution seeking a more perfect and secure union. If a judge ceases to be a neutral arbiter to seek self-benefit, the theoretical foundation of federalism and the separation of powers collapses.
2. The Impact of Judicial Corruption on the Future of Nations
Judicial corruption is not merely a financial crime; it is a "spiritual war" within the human conscience.
* Institutional Instability: The transition from Confederation to Federation in the U.S. aimed to correct government "paralysis". A corrupt judiciary creates a modern paralysis where laws exist but are not applied equitably, leading to the discredit of institutions.
* Reflections on the Brazilian Model: Although inspired by the American model, Brazilian federalism has its own organic and hierarchical peculiarities. In nations with strong central power, the integrity of the Judiciary is even more critical, as it serves as the final bulwark against state arbitrariness or the influence of interest groups.
3. Correlation: Madison, Stafne, and the Restoration of Justice
There is a clear correlation between the founders' intent and modern calls for reform:
* The Diagnosis: Both agree that institutional fragility (whether due to the lack of a strong judicial branch in the past or current corruption) leads to social chaos.
* The Solution: Just as the Federalists proposed a new Constitution to save the union in 1787, there is a contemporary need to restore justice systems.
Judicial integrity is the sine qua non condition for any "great system" to avoid internal decay.
In summary, the restoration of judicial integrity is urgent because, without independent and neutral judges, the social contract described by the classics of political philosophy becomes a "vulgata" without practical value, threatening the very existence of the Federation.
The Federalist Papers
The contribution of James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and John Jay to the emergence of Federalism in Brazil
Summary
1. Introduction
2. Federalism: historical origin
2.1. North American federalism
3. Characteristics of federalism
The federative form of State presents fundamental characteristics that distinguish it from other forms of political organization, such as the unitary State or the Confederation. According to Sahid Maluf (1995, p. 167), the federative system is based on the following principles:
> "a) the distribution of competences between the central government and the governments of the federated States;
> b) the existence of a specific legal order for each member-State, arising from the derivative constituent power;
> c) the participation of member-States in the formation of the national will, generally through a representative chamber (Senate);
> d) the existence of a body for the control of constitutionality, to guarantee the supremacy of the Federal Constitution and resolve conflicts between the federated entities."
>
In turn, Darcy Azambuja (1998, p. 382) highlights that "the Federal State is that which is divided into particular states, each with its administrative and political autonomy, but all subjected to a central authority, which is the Federal State itself".
It is important to observe that the autonomy of member-States must not be confused with sovereignty. In modern federalism, sovereignty is an attribute of the Federal State (the Union on the international level), while the member-States possess only political, administrative, and legislative autonomy, within the limits established by the Federal Constitution.
This distinction is fundamental for the maintenance of national unity. As James Madison warned in Article No. 45:
> "The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite. The former will be exercised principally on external objects, as war, peace, negotiation, and foreign commerce; the powers reserved to the several States will extend to all the objects which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement, and prosperity of the State" (MADISON; HAMILTON; JAY, 1993, p. 482).
>
Therefore, the striking characteristic of federalism is the coexistence of distinct and harmonic legal orders under the aegis of a single Fundamental Law, which guarantees the balance between the central power and local autonomies.
This is the literal translation of Page 8 of the article:
[Translation of Page 8]
4. Federalism in Brazil
After analyzing the general characteristics and the historical origin of federalism, it is necessary to examine its implementation and development in the Brazilian reality. Brazil adopted the federative form of state with the Proclamation of the Republic in 1889, influenced directly by the North American model, although it has developed its own characteristics over more than a century of Republican history.
According to the lesson of José Afonso da Silva (2003, p. 477):
> "The Brazilian Federation was not formed by the union of independent states, as occurred in the United States, but rather by the decentralization of a previously unitary State. This original difference marks the entire evolution of our federalism, which has always oscillated between periods of greater centralism and moments of search for greater state autonomy."
>
4.1. Political-constitutional structure of Brazil: from the colonial period to the republican period
During the colonial period and the Empire, Brazil was a unitary State. The 1824 Constitution established a centralist government, where the provinces had no political autonomy, being mere administrative divisions of the central power. The figure of the Moderator Power, exercised by the Emperor, further reinforced this centralizing character.
The transition to federalism occurred through Decree No. 1, of November 15, 1889, which proclaimed the Republic and transformed the old provinces into "Federated States." This change was consolidated in the first Republican Constitution of 1891, which was deeply inspired by the work of the authors of "The Federalist Papers."
However, unlike the American model, which resulted from an "aggregation" (centripetal movement) of sovereign states, Brazilian federalism was born from a "segregation" (centrifugal movement) of a unitary power. This means that, in Brazil, the Union was the entity that "distributed" powers to the states, while in the USA, the states were the ones that "ceded" part of their powers to the Union.
In the current 1988 Constitution, Brazilian federalism reached its highest degree of complexity by including the Municipalities as third-degree federated entities, alongside the Union, the States, and the Federal District. Article 1 of the Constitution establishes the "indissoluble union of States and Municipalities and the Federal District," which characterizes a tripartite federalism, unique in the world.
Would you like me to proceed to Page 9?
4.1. Political-constitutional structure of Brazil: from the colonial period to the republican period
Until the elevation of Brazil to the category of United Kingdom to Portugal, a fact that occurred in 1815, our country lived, during the phase called colonial, under a political-constitutional structure that had as models, first, the hereditary captaincies; second, the general-governorships.
In the system of hereditary captaincies, the territory of the Colony was divided into twelve parts, which were donated to private individuals called donataries; in fact, Portuguese considered illustrious for having distinguished themselves in wars in Africa and Asia. According to José Afonso da Silva (1998, p. 71):
> "Of the twelve captaincies, few prospered, but they served to create dispersed nuclei of settlement and almost without contact with one another, contributing to the formation of centers of differentiated economic and social interests in the various regions of the colony's territory, which came to repercuss in the structuring of the future Brazilian State".
>
Being their only common source the Metropolis, this set of autonomous regions, without any link between them, had as its main characteristic the pulverization of political and administrative power. Fifteen years after the granting of the first hereditary captaincy, donated in 1534 to Duarte Coelho (Captaincy of Pernambuco), the system of general-governorships is instituted. The aim with this new model was to introduce a unitary element that could curb the political and administrative dispersion established with the captaincy system. Such an objective was fated to failure:
> "The unitary system, inaugurated with Tomé de Sousa, breaks in 1572, instituting the double government of the colony, which resumes unity five years later. In 1621 the colony is divided into two 'States': the State of Brazil, comprising all the captaincies, which extend from Rio Grande do Norte to São Vicente, to the south; and the State of Maranhão, embracing the captaincies from Ceará to the far north. Under the impulse of economic, social, and geographical factors and interests, these two 'States' fragment and new autonomous centers emerge subordinated to effective regional and local political-administrative powers. The captaincies themselves are subdivided driven by new economic interests, which are being formed in the colonial evolution" (SILVA, 1998, p. 73).
>
The fracture of the general government provoked its division into regional governments, which, in turn, were divided into general captaincies; from these, captaincies stood out which, initially subordinated to them, later became autonomous, forming an intricate system of division of power, which Oliveira Viana, cited by José Afonso da Silva (1998, p. 73), will call "local little-governments":
> "In each of these administrative centers the captain-general distributes the representatives of his authority to the local organs of the general government: the 'hearers' (ouvidores), the 'judges from outside' (juízes de fora), the 'chief-captains' (capitães-mores) of the villages and hamlets, the 'commandants of detachments' of the settlements, the 'chiefs of border prisons', the 'chief-captains' regents of the recently discovered regions, the regiments of the 'line troop' of the borders, the battalions of 'militiamen', the 'third parties of ordinances', the 'flying patrols' of the ends of the gold regions. These centers of local authority, subordinated, in theory, to the general government of the captaincy, end up, however, becoming practically independent of the central power, embodied in the high authority of the captain-general. Local little-governments are formed..."
> local little-governments are formed, represented by the all-powerful authority of the chief-captains of the villages; the local caudillos themselves, insulated in their large estates, in the solitudes of the high backlands, exempt themselves, by their very inaccessibility, from the disciplinary pressure of public authority; and they become centers of effective authority, monopolizing the political authority, the judicial authority, and the military authority of the constituted powers.
The general structural lines of the political-constitutional system were thus sketched, which would culminate with Independence, bringing to light the problem of national unity and the institution of federalism as an adequate model to solve it.
The monarchical phase experienced by Brazil occurred due to the arrival of D. João VI and his entourage, established in Rio de Janeiro in 1808.
The settlement of the royal family in Brazil would exert a strong influence on the political-constitutional model to be adopted. In the observation of Sahid Maluf (1995, p. 359):
> "With the transmigration of the Court of D. João VI and the opening of the ports to foreign trade, in 1808, with Brazil having acquired the condition of united kingdom to Portugal and the Algarves, an irresistible desire for liberation dominated the country. From then on [...] the evolution of ideas, in the colony, was characterized by a pronounced and constant tendency toward independence, toward the republican form of government, and toward the federative regime."
>
This did not happen by chance. Even with the organization of power that the Crown printed, creating, for example, the Council of State, the General Intendancy of Police, and the Military Council, it was not possible to achieve success beyond the limits of Rio de Janeiro, and "it exerted little influence in the interior of the country, where the fragmentation and differentiation of royal and effective power persisted, sedimented in the three centuries of colonial life" (SILVA, 1998, p. 75).
This was a very propitious scenario for the debate of ideas that were swarming in Europe, such as Democracy, Liberalism, and Constitutionalism.
Around these and other discussions, the ideal of independence grew among Brazilians. Thus,
> "The Prince-Regent [...], perceiving that independence was irrepealably decreed by public opinion, had the skill to place himself at the head of the revolution, transforming it into a coup d'état. It was this fact that directed the political problem toward the monarchical solution. Otherwise, the revolution would be triumphant, and the Brazilian State would be born republican" (MALUF, 1995, p. 359).
>
With independence comes the problem of national unity, whose nerve center was excessive regional and also local power. The remedy: constitutionalism, which would bring with it liberalism, the division of powers and, later, federalism.
The great challenge that henceforth presented itself was to establish a mechanism that could equate the bases on which the new political-constitutional format was founded with a monarchical-absolutist regime, not tolerated by the defenders of the principles in vogue.
From the Political Constitution of the Empire of Brazil of 1824 resulted a centralizing political-constitutional system with power concentrated in the monarch, and which would only succumb in 1889, after several frustrated attempts to implement a federalist monarchy in Brazil.
Brasília v. 48 n. 192 Oct./Dec. 2011 135
In the taxative statement of José Afonso da Silva (1998, p. 79):
> "The Empire falls under the impact of new material conditions, which made possible the dominance of those old ideas with new clothing, and 'one day, on a beautiful morning, a simple military parade' proclaims the Federative Republic by a decree (no. 1, of 11.15.1889, art. 1st)."
>
With the end of the Empire and the republican regime consecrated, the provinces of Brazil gathered by means of the federation, a form of State officially established in all its Constitutions since that of 1891.
Despite the unquestionable influence of the North American Constitution on our choice for this or that political-constitutional model, Sahid Maluf (1995, p. 169) teaches us that, "contrary to the North American example, Brazilian federalism emerged as the fatal result of a movement from the inside out and not from the outside in; of centrifugal force and not centripetal; of natural-historical origin and not artificial."
However – the eminent constitutionalist recognizes –, "the 1891 Constitution structured Brazilian federalism according to the North American model. It adjusted a completely diverse reality to a foreign legal-constitutional system" (MALUF, 1995, p. 170).
Perhaps to this can be attributed the failure, the social inefficacy of this Constitution, but one cannot deny its institutional genesis of federalism in Brazil.
5. Final considerations
Taking into consideration the peculiarities of the institution of federalism in Brazil and making a counterpoint with the North American experience, it is necessary to recognize the strong influence of "The Federalist Papers" and the North American Constitution of 1787 in the emergence of the "typical" Brazilian federalism.
In this context, it would be unreasonable to suppose that the process of implementing the federative form of state in Brazil was "identical" to the North American one. These are distinct realities, but which seek to be based on the same source, which was the opportunity for the theorization of what federalism came to be, carried out with grandiloquence by James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and John Jay in "The Federalist Papers."
What was defended at the beginning of this essay was exactly the necessity of visiting the classics of political philosophy for the real understanding of the context in which the federative form of state adopted by Brazil is inserted.
And this was achieved by analyzing the original text written by "Publius" (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and John Jay), which highlights the advantages of adopting such a system for national unity.
The federation developed in Brazil, of a predominantly organic nature and based on the hierarchy of the central power (Union), can be the object of the most varied criticisms, but there is something that cannot be forgotten: there is no model of State form in the current world better than the one advocated by the "federalists." It can – and even must – be rediscussed and improved, but never suppressed.
References
Federalists. Translated by Maria Luiza X. de A. Borges. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 1993, p. 9-11.
LEVI, Lucio. Federalismo. In: BOBBIO, Norberto; MATTEUCI, Nicola; PASQUINO, Gianfranco (Org.). Dicionário de política. 11th ed. Brasília: Ed. UnB, 1998, v. 1, p. 475-486.
MADISON, James; HAMILTON, Alexander; JAY, John. Os artigos federalistas. Translated by Maria Luiza X. de A. Borges. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 1993.
MALUF, Sahid. Teoria geral do estado. 23rd ed. São Paulo: Saraiva, 1995.
REGIS, André. O novo federalismo brasileiro. Rio de Janeiro: Forense, 2009.
RUBY, Christian. Introdução à filosofia política. Translated by Maria Leonor F. R. Loureiro. São Paulo: UNESP, 1998.
SILVA, José Afonso da. Curso de direito constitucional positivo. 15th ed. São Paulo: Malheiros, 1998.
SORTO, Fredys Orlando. O federalista e a constituição dos Estados Unidos. Revista Brasileira de Estudos Políticos, Belo Horizonte, n. 82, p. 134-158, Jan. 1996.
SOUZA, Adalberto Pimentel Diniz de. A mecânica do federalismo. Revista de Informação Legislativa, Brasília, v. 42, n. 165, p. 169-176, Jan./Mar. 2005.
Leia a íntegra do artigo em Português clicando aqui
https://www12.senado.leg.br/ril/edicoes/48/192/ril_v48_n192_p125.pdf


